Maratha caste

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The Maratha casteTemplate:Refn is composed of 96 clans, originally formed in the earlier centuries from the amalgamation of families from the peasant (Kunbi), shepherd (Dhangar), blacksmith (Lohar), pastoral (Gavli), carpenter (Sutar), Bhandari, Thakar and Koli castes in Maharashtra. Many of them took to military service in the 16th century for the Deccan sultanates or the Mughals. Later in the 17th and 18th centuries, they served in the armies of the Maratha Kingdom, founded by Shivaji, a Maratha Kunbi by caste. Many Marathas were granted hereditary fiefs by the Sultanates, and Mughals for their service.[1][2][3][4][5][6]

According to the Maharashtrian historian B. R. Sunthankar, and scholars such as Rajendra Vora, the "Marathas" are a "middle-peasantry" caste which formed the bulk of the Maharashtrian society together with the other Kunbi peasant caste. Vora adds that the Marathas account for around 30 per cent of the total population of the state and dominate the power structure in Maharashtra because of their numerical strength, especially in the rural society.[7][8]

According to Jeremy Black, British historian at the University of Exeter, "Maratha caste is a coalescence of peasants, shepherds, ironworkers, etc. as a result of serving in the military in the 17th and 18th century".[9] They are the dominant caste in rural areas and mainly constitute the landed peasantry.[10] As of 2018, 80% of the members of the Maratha caste were farmers.[11]

Marathas are subdivided into 96 different clans, known as the 96 Kuli Marathas or Shahānnau Kule.[12][13] Three clan lists exist but the general body of lists are often at great variance with each other. These lists were compiled in the 19th century.[1]Template:Sfn There is not much social distinction between the Marathas and Kunbis since the 1950s.[14][15]

The Maratha king Shivaji founded the Maratha Kingdom that included warriors and other notables from Maratha and several other castes from Maharashtra.[16][17] It was dominant in India for much of the 18th century.

Origin

Christopher Bayly writes that the Marathas, Jat and Rajput rulers mostly originated from peasant or nomadic populace.[18][19]

Modern research has revealed that the Marathas and Kunbi have the same origin. Most recently, the Kunbi origin of the Maratha has been explained in detail by historians Richard Eaton and Stewart Gordon.Template:Citation needed Marathas who were distinguished from the Kunbi, in the past claimed genealogical connections with Rajputs of northern India.Template:Sfn However, modern researchers demonstrate, giving examples, that these claims are not factual. Modern scholars agree that Marathas and Kunbi are the same. Anthropologist J. V. Ferreira writes: "The Maratha claim to belong to the ancient 96 Kshatriya families has no foundation in fact and may have been adopted after the Marathas became with Shivaji a power to be reckoned with".[20] Gordon writes how the Maratha caste was generated from the Kunbis who served the Muslim rulers, prospered, and over time adopted different customs like different dressing styles, employed genealogists, started identifying as Maratha, and caste boundaries solidified between them. In the nineteenth century, economic prosperity rather than martial service to the Muslims replaced the mobility into Maratha identity. Eaton gives an example of the Holkar family that originally belonged to the Dhangar (shepherd) caste but was given a Maratha or even an "arch-Maratha" identity.[21][22] The other example, given by Susan Bayly, is of the Bhonsles who originated among Maratha and Kunbi populations of the Deccani tiller-plainsmen.[23] Similarly, scholars write that the Shinde (also known as Scindia[24]) Maratha clan originated from the Kunbi caste and the Scindia's founder was a servant of the Peshwa who would carry his slippers.[25][26][27][28] Dhanmanjiri Sathe states that "The line between Marathas and Kunbis is thin and sometimes difficult to ascertain".[29] Iravati Karve, an anthropologist, showed how the Maratha caste was generated from Kunbis who simply started calling themselves "Maratha". She states that Maratha, Kunbi and Mali are the three main farming communities of Maharashtra – the difference being that the Marathas and Kunbis were "dry farmers" whereas the Mali farmed throughout the year.[30] Cynthia Talbot quotes a saying in Maharashtra, "when a Kunbi prospers he becomes Maratha".[31] The Kunbi origin has been one of the factors on the basis of which the head of Maharashtra State Backward Class Commission (MSBCC), a Judge, M.G. Gaikwad, and some others in 2018, stated that Maratha associations have submitted historical proofs and petitions to be included in the Other Backward Class. The decision for giving reservation in jobs and education for Marathas based on the petitions that Marathas and Kunbis are one and the same caste was upheld by the Mumbai court in 2019.[32][33]

History

Template:See also The term Maratha referred broadly to all the speakers of the Marathi language.[34][3] In the 17th century, it also served as a designation for peasants from the Deccan Plateau who served as soldiers in the armies of Muslim rulers and later in the armies of Shivaji. Thus, the term Maratha became a marker of an endogamous caste for them.Template:Sfn A number of Maratha warriors, including Shivaji's father, Shahaji, originally served in those Muslim armies.[35] By the mid-1660s, Shivaji had established an independent Maratha kingdom.[36] After Shivaji's death, MarathasTemplate:Clarify fought under his sons and defeated Aurangzeb in the Mughal–Maratha Wars. The Maratha empire was further expanded into a vast empire by the Maratha Confederacy including Peshwas, stretching from central India[37] in the south to Peshawar[38] (in modern-day Pakistan) on the Afghanistan border in the north, and with expeditions in Bengal to the east.

The Confederacy remained the pre-eminent power in India until their defeat by the British East India Company in the Third Anglo-Maratha War (1817–1818).[39]Template:Page needed

By the 19th century, the term Maratha had several interpretations in the British administrative records. In the Thane District Gazetteer of 1882, the term was used to denote elite layers within various castes: for example, "Maratha-Agri" within the Agri caste and "Maratha-Koli" within the Koli caste.Template:Sfn In the Pune District, the words Kunbi and Maratha had become synonymous, giving rise to the Maratha-Kunbi caste complex.Template:Sfn The Pune District Gazetteer of 1882 divided the Kunbis into two classes: Marathas and other Kunbis.Template:Sfn The 1901 census listed three groups within the Maratha-Kunbi caste complex: "Marathas proper", "Maratha Kunbis" and Konkan Maratha.Template:Sfn

According to Steele, in the early 19th century, Kunbis, who were agriculturists, and the Marathas who claimed Rajput descent and Kshatriya status, were distinguished by their customs related to widow remarriage. The Kunbis allowed it and the higher status Marathas prohibited it. However, there is no statistical evidence for this.Template:Sfn However, the Kunbis and Marathas had hypergamous inter-community marriages – a rich Kunbi could always marry his daughter to a poor Maratha.[40][41]

Historically, the Maratha population comprised more than 31% of the population in Maharashtra and the Kunbi was 7%, whereas the upper castes, Brahmins, Saraswat, and Prabhus, were earlier only about 4% of the population. The Other Backward Class population (other than the Kunbi) was 27% while the population of the Mahars was 12%.[42][43]

Gradually, the term Maratha came to denote an endogamous caste.Template:Sfn From 1900 onwards, the Satyashodhak Samaj movement defined the Marathas as a broader social category of non-Brahmin groups.Template:Sfn These non-Brahmins gained prominence in the Indian National Congress during the Indian independence movement. In independent India, these Marathas became the dominant political force in the newly formed state of Maharashtra.Template:Sfn

The ritual caste hierarchy in Maharashtra is led by the Deshasthas, Chitpawans, Karhades, Saraswats and the Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus. The Maratha are ranked lower under this classification than the above castes but are considered higher than the Kunbi, backward castes and castes that were considered ritually impure. According to the Chairperson of the Centre for Social Justice and Governance, this caste ranking is significant even in recent times in inter-caste matrimonial alliances between Maharashtrians.[44][45][46][47][42][48]

Internal diaspora

Expansion of Maratha Empire also resulted in the voluntary relocation of substantial numbers of Maratha and other Marathi-speaking people outside Maharashtra, and across a big part of India. Today several significant communities descended from these emigrants live in the north, south and west of India. These descendant communities tend often to speak the local languages, although many also speak Marathi in addition. Notable Maratha families outside Maharashtra include Bhonsle of Tanjore,[49] Scindia of Gwalior, Gaekwad of Baroda, Holkar of Indore, Pawar of Dewas and Dhar, Ghorpade of Mudhol.Template:Citation needed

Culture

Literacy

In 17th century Maharashtra, the Brahmins and CKPs were the communities that had a system of Sanskrit education in Gurukula or secular education in clerical work or book-keeping. Education of all other castes and communities consisted of listening to oral reproductions from sacred texts like the Puranas and Kirtans. However, despite lack of education, the Maratha caste due to their long tradition of service in military of the Yadavas and later the Muslim sultanates produced good soldiers and commanders.[16]

Stewart Gordon writes that the prominent Ghorpade Maratha family, for instance, was not literate and had to use Brahmins as record keepers.[50][51]

Gail Omvedt concludes that during the British era, the overall literacy of Brahmins and CKPs was overwhelmingly high as compared to the literacy of the Maratha and Kunbi communities where it was strikingly low. The artisan castes were intermediate in terms of literacy. For all castes, men were more literate than the women from that caste(respectively). Female literacy, as well as English literacy, showed the same pattern among castes.[52]Template:Efn

A Bhandari author from 1920s quotes, according to Monika Vaidya, that Brahmins are not to blame for the lack of education of Marathas, as shown by communities whose occupations required education, like the Prabhus, Saraswats and CKP. These communities got education despite the barriers imposed by the Brahmins and it has been argued that the need for reservations does not arise if each community tries for its own development.[53]

Marriages

Like other Maharashtrian communities such as Kunbis, Malis, Mahars, etc., the marriage of a man to his maternal uncle's (mama in Marathi) daughter is common in the Maratha community.[54] Maratha and Kunbis intermarried in a hypergamous way i.e. a rich Kunbi's daughter could always marry a poor Maratha. Anthropologist Donald Attwood shows giving an example of the Karekars of Ahmednagar that this trend continues even in recent times indicating that the social order is fluid and flexible.[40][41][54][55]

Dowry Issues

Being a politically dominant caste, the Marathas have not been able to progress beyond the social practices of Dowry (Dowry refers to the durable goods, cash, and real or movable property that the bride's family gives to the bridegroom, his parents, or his relatives as a condition of the marriage.[56]). 80% of the Maratha community are farmers and there have been cases where the Maratha farmers had to sell their lands just to get their daughters married. Data compiled by the Maratha Kranti Morcha members showed that the expenditure incurred by an average low income and poor Maratha family has doubled in the last 10 years when it comes to dowry. A member said (in 2018), "The dowry amount ranges from Rs 7 lakh to Rs 50 lakh, depending on the profession of the groom. The lower-middle class Marathas too often have to bear an expenditure of Rs 7 lakh to Rs 10 lakh for a daughter's wedding. Even in the remote villages, a small and marginal farmer spends Rs 2 lakh to Rs 3.5 lakh on a daughter's wedding." Some caste members tried to use the Morcha to address the issue of Dowry but they did not get a positive response. Dowry has now attained a status symbol in the community and that is part of the issue.[57]

Widows

Research by a sociologist has shown that the restrictions faced by widows among Marathi Brahmins, Saraswats and CKP were significantly more than those faced by widows in Maratha caste.[58]

Festivals and Gods

Rosalind O'Hanlon, Professor at the University of Oxford stated that the Hindu God Khandoba, also known by the name Mhasoba, is traditionally very popular in the Maratha caste. She quotes about the devotion of the Marathas in the 19th century to Mhasoba as follows:Template:Blockquote Mhasoba was also worshiped by the Bhonsles.[59] The other Hindu deity popular in the Maratha community is the Goddess Bhavani of Tuljapur.[60]

Maratha leaders said that "Chhatrapati Shivaji is worshiped by the Maratha community, while different sections of society hold him in high esteem". "Shivaji Jayanti" (his birthday) is celebrated with folk dances, songs, plays and Puja. There was some controversy over the date but it is now celebrated on 19 February. Earlier, the regional Marathi political parties – Shiv Sena as well as the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena were celebrating it as per the Tithi according to the Hindu Calendar ("Falgun Vadya Tritiya" – third day of the month of Falgun), whereas the State Government was celebrating it as per the Gregorian Calendar.[61][62][63]

Varna status

Template:See also Research by modern anthropologists and historians has shown that the Maratha caste originated from the amalgamation of families from the peasant communities that belonged to the Shudra Varna. However, after gaining political prominence with Shivaji's rise to power, this caste started claiming Kshatriya descent and genealogies were fabricated including those for Shivaji. Thus, the "96 clans"(Kuls)(96 Kuli Marathas or Shahānnau Kule) genealogies were concocted most likely after Shivaji came to power. Gordon explains that there are three such lists for the 96 clans compiled in the 19th century and they are "impossible to reconcile" due to this nature of origin of the caste. Jaffrelot writes that this process where Shudras pretend to be Kshatriyas and follow their customs is called "Kshatriyatization" and is a variation of Sanskritization.[2][64][65][1][20]

Modern scholars such as M. S. A. Rao and Francine Frankel also agree that the Varna of Marathas remained Shudra, an indication being: "the maratha practice of hypergamy which permitted inter-marriage with rising peasant kunbi lineages, and created a hierarchy of maratha kuls, whose boundaries were flexible enough to incorporate, by the twentieth century, most of the kunbi population".[66]

By the late 19th century, some Brahmins made public proclamations of their Shudra status but some moderate Brahmins were keen to ally with the influential Marathas of Bombay in the interests of Indian independence from Britain. These Brahmins, motivated by such political reasons, supported the Maratha claim to Kshatriya status, but the success in this political alliance was sporadic and fell apart entirely following independence in 1947.[67]

As late as the turn of 20th century, the Brahmin priests of Shahu, the Maratha ruler of Kolhapur refused to use Vedic mantras and would not take a bath before chanting, on the grounds that even the leading Marathas such as Shahu and his family belonged to the Shudra varna. This opinion about the Shudra varna was supported by Brahmin Councils in Maharashtra and they stuck to their opinion even when they (the Brahmins) were threatened with the loss of land and property. This led to Shahu supporting Arya Samaj and Satyashodhak Samaj as well as campaigning for the rights of the Maratha community.[68][69] He soon became the leader of the non-Brahmin movement and united the Marathas under his banner.[70][71]

Gaikwad, the leader of Sambhaji Brigade, a prominent Maratha caste organisation, stated in an interview, that before Indian Independence, "Backward Class federation had raised the concerns of the Shudra communities including the Marathas".[72]

Maratha caste does not have the upanayanam or "sacred thread ceremony" of ritually upper caste Hindus.[73] However, despite the ritual status, the Marathas have significant political power.[58]

In the 21st century, the Government of Maharashtra cited historical incidents for the claim of Shudra status of prominent Maratha families to form a case for reservation for the Marathas in the state.[74] Additionally, a report by an independent commission in November 2018 concluded that the Maratha caste is educationally, socially and economically a backward community.[75][76]

Affirmative Action

Template:Update In Karnataka, the Marathas are classified as Other Backward Class[77] with the exception of the Marathas of Kodagu district who are classified as a Scheduled Tribe.[78][79] In Maharashtra, they were classified as a Forward caste by the Mandal commission.[80] In 2018, they were classified as Socially and Educationally Backward (SEBC) and were granted 16% reservation in jobs and education. In 2019, the court upheld the quota but recommended that the quota be cut to 12%.[81]

In November 2022, the Government of Maharashtra declared that needy Maratha students who live in hostels would be getting a stipend of Indian Rupees sixty thousand per year.[82]

Inter-caste issues

Anti-Marwadi/Anti-Brahmin Deccan riots of 1875

Claude Markovits, director of center of Indian and South-Asian studies, writes, that in 1875, in places such as Pune and Ahmednagar, Marwadi moneylenders became victims of coordinated attacks by the "local peasantry of the Maratha caste". Historian, David Ludlen states that the motivation for the violence was destroying the debt agreements that the moneylenders held over the Maratha farmers. These riots were known as the "Deccan riots".[83][84][85] According to John McLane, the victims were mostly Marwadi moneylenders but Marathi speaking Brahmin moneylenders were usually spared.[86] However, according to Lele, in Ahmednagar, Poona and Satara, the Marathas led the riots to challenge the Brahmins, who were a majority of the money lenders.[87] Template:See also

Anti-Brahmin Violence

Following the assassination of Gandhi in 1948 by Nathuram Godse, a Chitpawan Brahmin from Pune, other Brahmins in Maharashtra became targets of violence, mostly from elements from the Maratha caste.[88][89] Later, in Sangli, Jains and Lingayats joined the Marathas in their attacks against the Brahmins. Thousands of offices and homes were also set on fire. Molestation incidents were also reported during these attacks. On the first day alone, the number of deaths in Bombay were 15, and 50 in Pune.[90]

One scholar has observed, "It will be too much to believe that the riots took place because of the intense love of Gandhiji on the part of the Marathas. Godse became a very convenient hate symbol to damn the Brahmins and burn their properties." Donald Rosenthal opines that the motivation for the violence was the historic discrimination and humiliation that the Maratha community faced due to their caste status. He writes, "Even today, local Brahmins claim that the Marathas organized the riots to take political advantage of the situation".[89][88]

In Satara alone, the official reportsTemplate:Citation needed show that about 1000 houses were burnt in about 300 villages. There were "cruel, cold-blooded killings" as well – for example, one family whose last name happened to be 'Godse' had three of its male members killed. Brahmins suffered from serious physical violence as well as economic violence in the form of looting.[90]

Maureen Patterson concludes that the greatest violence took place not in the cities of Mumbai, Pune and Nagpur – but in Satara, Kolhapur and Belgaum. Destruction was extensive in Kolhapur. Earlier in the century, Shahu of Kolhapur had actively collaborated with the British against the Indian freedom struggle which he identified being led by Chitpavan Brahmins such as Bal Gangadhar Tilak. Shahu was also actively involved in the anti-Brahmin movement as well. During the 1948 disturbances, in Sangli, the local Jain and the Lingayat communities joined the Marathas in the attacks against the Brahmins. Here, specifically, the factories owned by the Chitpawan Brahmins were destroyed. This event led to the hasty integration of the Patwardhan ruled princely states into the Bombay Province by March 1948.[90]Template:Request quotation

Worli BDD Chawl violence

The BDD Chawl in the Worli inner suburb of Mumbai is a complex of buildings which were built in 1920s to house workers employed by the textile mills. In the 1970s, at the height of the Dalit Panther movement, fights between the Chawl's dominant Maratha population and the Neo-Buddhists living in 20-odd buildings resulted in full-scale riots. Violence between the communities continued through the 1970s to the early 1990s.[91][92]

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Sambhaji Brigade is a branch of "Maratha Seva Sangh"(a Maratha caste organisation) and has committed acts of violence.[93] In 2004, a mob of 150 Maratha activists attacked the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute - the reason being a book by James Laine. The vandalism led to loss of valuable historic documents and an estimated loss of Rs 1.25 crore. Sanskrit and religious documents dating back to the 16th century were destroyed, translation of the RigVeda by the Shankaracharya was thrown on the road. A woman who tried to call the police had bricks pelted at her by the mob.[94][95]

Ram Ganesh Gadkari Statue

In 2017, the statue of Ram Ganesh Gadkari, a noted playwright and poet who showed Sambhaji in a poor light in his 1919 play 'Rajsanyas', was uprooted and thrown in the river by Sambhaji Brigade. The Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhu(CKP), the community to which Gadkari belonged later organised a meeting to protest this incident at the "Ram Ganesh Gadkari Rangayatan"(a theatre named after Gadkari) in Thane. As per Smriti Koppikar, "the symbols and markers of Brahmin and/or upper caste ideology have proved to be an eyesore for Marathas". Devendra Fadnavis said that the statue would be restored. At the location of the bust, the "Brahman Mahasangh"(a Brahmin caste organisation) kept a photo of Gadkari and Medha Vishram Kulkarni supported the Brahmin organisation's decision and announced that parts of the play would be read in Sambhaji Park. The BJP as well as the Shiv Sena alleged that the Sambhaji Brigade was trying to divide the community.[96][97] Nitesh Rane later rewarded the vandals and made inflammatory remarks claiming that he had announced a reward earlier in 2016 for removing the bust, and was proud of the act carried out by the accused.[98]

File:Maratha-Kranti-Morcha.jpg

In 2018, several incidents of violence were reported due to agitation over the delay of the inclusion of the Maratha caste in the Other Backward Class category. The agitation was started by the Maratha Kranti Morcha. In June 2018, the Marathas threatened violent protests if their demands were not met. In July, Maratha protests turned violent as the protesters attacked police and torched police vehicles. Several incidents, including some deaths, were reported in other locations as well – several police were injured by the mobs, public property was damaged and private cars were torched. In Navi Mumbai itself, hundreds of vehicles were torched and buses were set on fire in cities such as Mumbai and Pune.[99][100][101][102][103]

Other inter caste issues

Medha Khole Incident

In a widely publicised 2017 incident, a Brahmin scientist by the name of Medha Vinayak Khole(Deputy Director-General for the weather forecasting section) filed a police complaint against her Maratha domestic worker, Nirmala Yadav, for hiding her caste and "violating ritual purity and sanctity". Khole even insulted the latter's Gods, Khandoba (a popular God worshipped by most Marathi Hindu communities[104]) and Mhasoba (a Hindu God worshiped by Pastoral communities and very popular in the Marathas). The "Akhil Bhartiya Bramhan Mahasangh" initially came out in support of Khole. However, there were widespread protests not just by Maratha caste organisations but also by non-caste organisations like Domestic Workers Unions and Women's organisations and Khole was widely criticised.Template:Sfn[105][106][59][107]

Kopardi gang rape and murder

Template:Excerpt

Political participation

The 1919 Montagu–Chelmsford Reforms of the British colonial government called for caste based representation in legislative council. In anticipation a Maratha league party was formed. The league and other groups came together to form the non-Brahmins party in the Marathi speaking areas in the early 1920s under the leadership of Maratha leaders Keshavrao Jedhe and Baburao Javalkar. Their early goals in that period were capturing the Ganpati and Shivaji festivals from Brahmin domination.[108] They combined nationalism with anti-casteism as the party's aims.[109] Later on in the 1930s, Jedhe merged the non-Brahmin party with the Congress party and changed the Congress party in the Maharashtra region from an upper-caste dominated body to a more broadly based but Maratha-dominated party.[110] Apart from Jedhe, most Congress leaders from the Maratha /Kunbi community remained aloof from the Samyukta Maharashtra campaign of the 1950s. However, they have dominated the state politics of Maharashtra since its inception in 1960.[67]

The INC was the preferred party of the Maratha/Kunbi community in the early days of Maharashtra and the party was long without a major challenger, and enjoyed overwhelming support from the Maratha dominated sugar co-operatives and thousands of other cooperative organisations involved in the rural agricultural economy of the state such as marketing of dairy and vegetable produce, credit unions etc.[111][112] The domination by Marathas of the cooperative institutions and with it the rural economic power allowed the community to control politics from the village level up to the Assembly and Lok Sabha seats.[113][114] Since the 1980s, this group has also been active in setting up private educational institutions.[115][116][117] Major past political figures of Congress party from Maharashtra such as Panjabrao Deshmukh, Keshavrao Jedhe, Yashwantrao Chavan,[114] Shankarrao Chavan[118] and Vilasrao Deshmukh[119] have been from this group. Sharad Pawar, who has been a towering figure in Maharashtrian and national politics, belongs to this group.[120]

The state has had many Maratha government ministers and officials, as well as in local municipal councils, and panchayats. Marathas comprise around 32 per cent of the state population.[121][122] 10 out of 16 chief ministers of Maharashtra hailed from the Maratha community as of 2012.[123]

The rise of the Hindu Nationalist Shiv Sena and Bharatiya Janata Party in recent years have not dented Maratha representation in Maharashtra Legislative assembly.[113]

Shiv Sena's strength mainly came from the Maratha support which it drew away from the Congress.[124] In 1990, 24 MLAs elected from Shiv Sena were Marathas which increased to 33 in 2004 (more than 50%). Thus, researcher Vora concludes that the Shiv Sena has been emerging as a "Maratha Party".[125]

Maratha Seva Sangh, a Maratha caste based organisation and its youth wing Sambhaji Brigade came into the political scene after the BORI attack. The group distances itself from the Hindu nationalist parties like the BJP and Shiv Sena and invokes a secular anti-Brahmin genealogy from Shivaji, Tukaram, Jyotirao Phule and B. R. Ambedkar. In late 2004, Maratha Seva Sangh announced that they had established a new religion called Shiv Dharma to protest "Vedic Brahminism" and oppose Hinduism. The details of this are published in Jijau Brigade va Sambhaji Brigade Sanskarmala, Maratha Sanskarmala I.[126]

Military service

File:Arms of Maratha History of India 1906.jpg
Weapons used by soldiers of Maratha empire.

The Duke of Wellington, after defeating the Marathas, noted that the Marathas, though poorly led by their Generals, had regular infantry and artillery that matched the level of that of the Europeans and warned other British officers from underestimating the Marathas on the battlefield. He cautioned one British general that: "You must never allow Maratha infantry to attack head on or in close hand to hand combat as in that your army will cover itself with utter disgrace".[127]

Norman Gash says that the Maratha infantry was equal to that of British infantry. After the Third Anglo-Maratha war in 1818, Britain listed the Marathas as one of the Martial Races to serve in the British Indian Army although it was unclear whether this categorisation referred to the Maratha caste or a subset of some Marathi castes.[128][129] Despite praising the military prowess of the Marathas, the British considered them inferior to Sikhs and Gurkhas in terms of other masculine traits due to prevailing Christian notions of being a "man at arm" in battlefield i.e., they disapproved of Maratha utilisation of guerrilla warfare in combat along with their uncharitable and ruthless attitudes.[130] However, racial theories have been discredited.[131] Lord Roberts, commander-in-chief of the Indian Army 1885–1893, who came up with the "Martial Race" theory, stated that in order to improve the quality of the army, there was a need to use "more warlike and hardy races" instead of the current sepoys from Bengal, the Tamils, Telugus and the Marathas. Based on this theory, Gurkhas and Sikhs were recruited by the British army and they were "construed as martial races" in preference to other races in India.[132] Historian Sikata Banerjee notes a dissonance in British military opinions of the Maratha, wherein the British portrayed them as both "formidable opponents" and yet not "properly qualified" for fighting in the western manner, criticising the Maratha guerrilla tactics as an improper way of war. Banerjee cites an 1859 statement as emblematic of this disparity: Template:Blockquote

The Maratha Light Infantry regiment is one of the "oldest and most renowned" regiments of the Indian Army.[133] Its First Battalion, also known as the Jangi Paltan ("Warrior Platoon"),[134] traces its origins to 1768 as part of the Bombay Sepoys.Template:Citation needed

The battle cry of Maratha Light Infantry is Bol Shri Chattrapati Shivaji Maharaj ki Jai! ("Hail Victory to Emperor Shivaji!") in tribute to the Maratha sovereign and their motto is Shatrujeet (victory over enemy).[135]

See also

Footnotes

  1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 The Marathas 1600–1818{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Cambridge University Press(16 September 1993). ISBN 978-0-521-26883-7
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 Emperors of the Peacock Throne: The Saga of the Great Mughals{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Penguin Books India(2000). ISBN 978-0-14-100143-2
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 "The name of the 'caste-cluster of agriculturalists-turned-warriors' inhabiting the north-west Dakhan, Mahārās̲h̲tra 'the great country', a term which is extended to all Marāt́hī speakers": Template:EI2
  4. ↑ Wages of Violence: Naming and Identity in Postcolonial Bombay{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Princeton University Press(5 June 2018). ISBN 978-0-691-18862-1
  5. ↑ Why Wars Happen{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Reaktion Books(1 March 2005). ISBN 978-1-86189-415-1
  6. ↑ India's Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Lower Castes in North India{{#if:Jaffrelot|, Jaffrelot}. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers(2003). ISBN 978-1-85065-670-8
  7. ↑ Grass-Roots Democracy in India and China: The Right To Participate{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Sage Publications(2007). ISBN 9788132101130
  8. ↑ Nineteenth Century History of Maharashtra: 1818-1857{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Shubhada-Saraswat Prakashan(1988). ISBN 978-81-85239-50-7
  9. ↑ Why Wars Happen{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Reaktion Books(2005). ISBN 9781861890177
  10. ↑ Politics in Modern Maharashtra{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Orient Longman(1995)
  11. ↑ Dowry, child marriage issues plague Maratha and Dhangar communities(9 September 2018). Retrieved 12 September 2018.
  12. ↑ The Culture of India{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Rosen(2010). ISBN 978-1615301492
  13. ↑ Homo hierarchicus: the caste system and its implications{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. University of Chicago Press(1980). ISBN 978-0226169637
  14. ↑ Rural Credit in Western India 1875–1930: Rural Credit and the Co-operative Movement in the Bombay Presidency{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Univ of California Press(28 May 2021). ISBN 978-0-520-36800-2
  15. ↑ Chhatrapati Shahu, the Piller of Social Democracy{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Bombay : Education Dept., Govt. of Maharashtra for President, Mahatma Jotirao Phule Vishwabharati, Gargoti, Dist. Kolhapur(1994)
  16. ↑ 16.0 16.1 The Political Role of Different Hindu Castes and Communities in Maharashtra in the Foundation of the Shivaji's Swarajya. Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute({Template:Date).
  17. ↑ The Marginalization of a Dalit Martial Race in Late Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Western India.. The Journal of Asian Studies({Template:Year).
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  22. ↑ The Marathas 1600–1818{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. cambridge university press(February 2007). ISBN 9780521033169
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  24. ↑ Asian Review{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. East & West(1969)
  25. ↑ Encyclopedia of Asian history{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Scribner(1988). ISBN 978-0-684-18899-7
  26. ↑ The Zamorins of Calicut: From the Earliest Times Down to A.D. 1806{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Publication Division, University of Calicut(1999). ISBN 978-81-7748-000-9
  27. ↑ Essays on Medieval Indian History{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Oxford University Press(2003). ISBN 978-0-19-566336-5
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  29. ↑ The Political Economy of Land Acquisition in India: How a Village Stops Being One{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Palgrave Macmillan(2017). ISBN 9789811053269
  30. ↑ Anthropometric measurements of the Marathas{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Deccan College Postgraduate Research Institute(1948)
  31. ↑ Precolonial India in Practice: Society, Region, and Identity in Medieval Andhra{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Oxford University Press(2001). ISBN 9780198031239
  32. ↑ Commission gets over 1L petitions, proof for Maratha reservation(21 May 2018). Retrieved 19 August 2018.
  33. ↑ HC upholds Maratha quota. Retrieved 5 July 2019.
  34. ↑ W. J. Johnson (ed.), "Marāṭhā", A Dictionary of Hinduism (Oxford, 2009): "The name of a dominant caste in western India (Maharashtra), which was united into an independent Marāṭhā kingdom (or empire) by Śivajī in 1674. His successors, who eventually splintered into a confederacy, resisted first the Mughals and then the British. After a prolonged series of wars, they were finally defeated in 1818."
  35. ↑ The Marathas 1600–1818{{#if:Gordon|, Gordon}. Cambridge University Press(1993). ISBN 978-0-52126-883-7
  36. ↑ Shivaji and the Decline of the Mughal Empire. The Journal of Asian Studies({Template:Date).
  37. ↑ Mehta, J. L. Advanced study in the history of modern India 1707–1813
  38. ↑ Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World: A Historical Encyclopedia: A Historical Encyclopedia{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. ABC-CLIO(31 July 2011). ISBN 978-1-59884-337-8
  39. ↑ Advanced Study in the History of Modern India{{#if:Chhabra|, Chhabra}. Lotus Press(2005). ISBN 81-89093-06-1
  40. ↑ 40.0 40.1 Caste, Conflict, and Rebellion{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. University of California(1966)
  41. ↑ 41.0 41.1 India's Communities volume.5{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Oxford University Press(1998). ISBN 978-0-19-563354-2
  42. ↑ 42.0 42.1 Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changing Face of the Indian Legislative Assemblies (Exploring the Political in South Asia){{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Routledge India(2009). ISBN 9781136516627
  43. ↑ Brahmins too demand for reservations in Maharashtra. Daily News and Analysis. Retrieved 24 July 2014.
  44. ↑ Writing Caste/Writing Gender: Narrating Dalit Women's Testimonies{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Zubaan Books(2013)
  45. ↑ Traditional Institutions Meet the Modern World: Caste, Gender, and Schooling Choice in a Globalizing Economy. American Economic Review({Template:Date).
  46. ↑ Communal Identity in India: Its Construction and Articulation in the Twentieth Century{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Oxford University Press(2003). ISBN 978-0195663303
  47. ↑ Rajarshi Shahu: a model ruler{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. kirti prakashan(1994)
  48. ↑ Prejudice disguised as politeness. Retrieved 9 October 2019.
  49. ↑ Christian Schwartz: The Raj-Guru of Thanjavur(30 September 2018). Retrieved 11 October 2018.
  50. ↑ The New Cambridge History of India, Volume 2, Part 4: The Marathas 1600–1818{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Cambridge University Press(1993). ISBN 9780521033169
  51. ↑ People of India – Volume VI, Part 2{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Anthropological Survey of India(2004)
  52. ↑ Development of the Maharashtrian Class Structure, 1818 to 1931. Economic and Political Weekly({Template:Date).
  53. ↑ Re-searching Transitions in Indian History{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Taylor & Francis(2018). ISBN 978-0-429-94631-8
  54. ↑ 54.0 54.1 Family Law: Volume 1: Family Laws and Constitutional Claims{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Oxford University Press(2011). ISBN 978-0-19-908826-3
  55. ↑ City, countryside and society in Maharashtra{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. University of Toronto, Centre for South Asian Studies(1988). ISBN 978-0-9692907-2-8
  56. ↑ Dowry Deaths and Access to Justice in Kali's Yug: Empowerment, Law and Dowry Deaths{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}(1995)
  57. ↑ Dowry, child marriage issues plague Maratha and Dhangar communities(9 September 2018). Retrieved 12 September 2018.
  58. ↑ 58.0 58.1 women in distress{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Rawat Publishers(2000)
  59. ↑ 59.0 59.1 Sacred Animals of India{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Penguin(2014). ISBN 9788184751826
  60. ↑ Maratha History Seminar, May 28–31, 1970: papers{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Shivaji University(1971)
  61. ↑ Processions, folk dances mark Shivaji Jayanti in Thane. Times of India(20 February 2018). Retrieved 26 August 2018.
  62. ↑ Maratha rally seeks to end row over Shiv Jayanti date: 'Let's celebrate it on February 19'(10 August 2017). Retrieved 26 August 2018.
  63. ↑ Celebrate Shivaji Jayanti as per tithi, says MNS chief(17 May 2018). Retrieved 28 August 2018.
  64. ↑ Dr Ambedkar and Untouchability: Analysing and Fighting Caste{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Permanent Black(2006). ISBN 978-81-7824-156-2
  65. ↑ India: A History{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Open Road + Grove/Atlantic(12 April 2011). ISBN 978-0-8021-9550-0
  66. ↑ Dominance and State Power in Modern India: Decline of a Social Order{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Oxford University Press(1989). ISBN 9780195620986
  67. ↑ 67.0 67.1 Contradictions and Conflict: A Dialectical Political Anthropology of a University in Western India{{#if:Kurtz|, Kurtz}. Brill(1994). ISBN 978-9-00409-828-2
  68. ↑ Non-Brahmin Movement in Southern India, 1873–1949{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}(1979)
  69. ↑ The Indian National Congress and the political economy of India, 1885–1985{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}(1988)
  70. ↑ Pune's endless identity wars. Indian Express. Retrieved 1 August 2015.
  71. ↑ Rajarshi Shahu Chhatrapati Papers: 1900–1905 A.D.: Vedokta controversy{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Shahu Research Institute, 1985 – Kolhapur (Princely State)(1985)
  72. ↑ Maratha reservation: Sambhaji Brigade chief talks about genesis of demand. Business Standard India(14 August 2018). Retrieved 13 September 2020.
  73. ↑ Affirmative Action for Economically Weaker Sections and Upper-Castes in Indian Constitutional Law: Context, Judicial Discourse, and Critique{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Taylor & Francis(30 September 2022). ISBN 978-1-00-065522-3
  74. ↑ Maharashtra to justify quota with historical evidence. Retrieved 27 July 2017.
  75. ↑ Marathas are backward, says Maharashtra State Backward Commission(15 November 2018). Retrieved 15 November 2018.
  76. ↑ Marathas socially and economically backward: Panel. The Times of India(15 November 2018). Retrieved 15 November 2018.
  77. ↑ CASTE LIST Government Order No.SWD 225 BCA 2000, Dated:30th March 2002.. KPSC. Karnataka Government. Retrieved 17 September 2014.
  78. ↑ List of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. censuskarnataka.gov.in(2010). Retrieved 22 June 2021.
  79. ↑ Scheduled Tribe List. kstrimysuru.in(2021). Retrieved 22 June 2021.
  80. ↑ Modi's upper-caste reservations card can help get 55 million households voting for him. Retrieved 22 April 2019.
  81. ↑ Maratha quota valid but should be lowered to 12% -13% from 16% : Bombay High Court. Retrieved 15 November 2019.
  82. ↑ State announces Rs 60k/year stipend for needy Maratha students in govt hostels(3 November 2022). Retrieved 14 November 2022.
  83. ↑ A History of Modern India, 1480–1950{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Anthem Press(2004). ISBN 9781843311522
  84. ↑ An Agrarian History of South Asia{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Cambridge University Press(17 February 2011). ISBN 9781316025369
  85. ↑ Merchant Communities in Asia, 1600–1980{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Routledge(6 October 2015). ISBN 9781317317890
  86. ↑ Indian Nationalism and the Early Congress{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Princeton University Press(8 March 2015). ISBN 9781400870233
  87. ↑ Agrarian Transformation in Western India: Economic Gains and Social Costs{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Taylor & Francis(11 October 2018). ISBN 978-0-429-75333-6
  88. ↑ 88.0 88.1 State Intervention and Popular Response: Western India in the Nineteenth Century{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Popular Prakashan(1999). ISBN 9788171548552
  89. ↑ 89.0 89.1 The Untold Vajpayee: Politician and Paradox{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Random House India(2018). ISBN 9789385990816
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  91. ↑ With state govt's redevelopment plans for Mumbai's BDD chawls, is it time to let go of a familiar way of life?(28 May 2017). Retrieved 3 August 2018.
  92. ↑ Sharma, R. N., & Yesudian, C. A. (1983). Group violence in a neighbourhood: A case study of Worli B.D.D. Chawls in Bombay. Indian Journal of Social Work, 43(4), 419–429.
  93. ↑ Storytellers @work{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. katha(2004). ISBN 8189020013
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  97. ↑ BJP creating divide along caste lines: Sambhaji Brigade(7 January 2017). Retrieved 4 January 2023.
  98. ↑ Cong MLA Rane rewards vandals. Retrieved 27 July 2018.
  99. ↑ Maratha protests: 2 fire brigade vehicles torched, cops attacked in Aurangabad as Maharashtra bandh turns violent(24 July 2018). Retrieved 26 August 2018.
  100. ↑ Maratha agitation: Residents pay price, as protesters damage 160 private vehicles in Navi Mumbai(27 July 2018). Retrieved 26 August 2018.
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  105. ↑ IMD scientist files cheating case against cook for 'posing' as Brahmin. The Hindu(8 September 2017). Retrieved 26 August 2018.
  106. ↑ The 'Non-Brahmin' Cook from Pune and the Myth of the 'Caste-less' Middle Class. Economic and Political Weekly({Template:Date).
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  109. ↑ Social and cultural history of India since 1556{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Atlantic Publishers and Distributors(2000). ISBN 9788171568260
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  116. ↑ Language and society : steps towards an integrated theory{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. E.J. Brill(1989). ISBN 9789004087897
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  119. ↑ India's 2009 Elections: Coalition Politics, Party Competition and Congress Continuity{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. SagePublications Pvt. Ltd(9 May 2011). ISBN 9788132107743
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  121. ↑ New Farmers' Movements in India{{#if:Dhanagare|, Dhanagare}. Routledge/Frank Cass(1995). ISBN 9780714646091
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  124. ↑ Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changing Face of the Indian Legislative Assemblies{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Routledge(4 May 2012). ISBN 9781136516627
  125. ↑ Creative Pasts: Historical Memory and Identity in Western India, 1700–1960{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Columbia University Press(2007). ISBN 978-0-231-12486-7
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  129. ↑ Make Me a Man!: Masculinity, Hinduism, and Nationalism in India{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. University of new York(2005). ISBN 9780791483695
  130. ↑ Religious Traditions in Modern South Asia{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Routledge(2011). ISBN 9781136626685
  131. ↑ Gorkhaland Movement: A Study in Ethnic Separatism{{#if:Samanta|, Samanta}. APH Publishing(2000). ISBN 9788176481663
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References

Template:Notelist

Further reading

  • India Before Europe{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Cambridge University Press(2006). ISBN 978-0-521-80904-7
  • Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire{{#if:Bayly|, Bayly}. Cambridge University Press(1990). ISBN 978-0-521-38650-0
  • Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age{{#if:Bayly|, Bayly}. Cambridge University Press(2001). ISBN 978-0-521-79842-6
  • Wages of Violence: Naming and Identity in Postcolonial Bombay{{#if:Hansen|, Hansen}. Princeton University Press(2001). ISBN 0-691-08840-3
  • Contesting Power: Resistance and Everyday Social Relations in South Asia{{#if:Haynes|, Haynes}. University of California Press(1992). ISBN 978-0-520-07585-6
  • India and South Asia: A Short History{{#if:Ludden|, Ludden}. Oneworld Publications(2013). ISBN 978-1-85168-936-1
  • An Agrarian History of South Asia{{#if:Ludden|, Ludden}. Cambridge University Press(1999). ISBN 978-0-521-36424-9
  • A Concise History of Modern India{{#if:|, {{{last}}}}. Cambridge University Press(2006). ISBN 978-1-139-45887-0
  • Caste, Conflict and Ideology: Mahatma Jotirao Phule and Low Caste Protest in Nineteenth-Century Western India{{#if:O'Hanlon|, O'Hanlon}. Cambridge University Press(2002). ISBN 978-0-521-52308-0
  • A History of India{{#if:Robb|, Robb}. Palgrave Macmillan(2011). ISBN 978-0-230-34549-2
  • India's Communities{{#if:Singh|, Singh}. Oxford University Press(1998). ISBN 978-0-19-563354-2
  • A History of India{{#if:Stein|, Stein}. John Wiley & Sons(2010). ISBN 978-1-4443-2351-1
  • Land and Sovereignty in India: Agrarian Society and Politics Under the Eighteenth-Century Maratha Svarājya{{#if:Wink|, Wink}. Cambridge University Press(2007). ISBN 978-0-521-05180-4

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